IBPS Clerk 2018 Prelims: English Test Day 6

Directions (Q.1-5): In the passage given below there are blanks which are to be filled with the options given below. Find out the appropriate pair of words in each case which can most suitably complete the sentence without altering the meaning of the statement.

It is not easy to fill the ________(1) caused by the departure of a popular and charismatic leader. However, this vacuum is not a permanent state. If personalities of equal or even slightly less stature are unavailable, significant political space opens up for other players, principally political rivals or those of a similar ideological _________(2) , to capitalise on the situation. Or, as a temporary phenomenon, pretenders claiming to be true legatees of the departed leader, or those claiming to espouse the same causes as her, could emerge as key players.
A notable feature after Jayalalithaa’s demise is the manner in which leaders of the opposition Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) joined the ruling party supporters and the public in paying homage to her. No one can doubt that the level of personal animosity between Jayalalithaa and DMK leader M. Karunanidhi played a serious role in the State’s political culture lacking the sort of bonhomie seen between rival party leaders in other parts of the country. With the former’s departure and the __________(3) emergence of the next generation in the DMK, there is a clear opportunity to usher in a new political culture marked by cooperation on key issues. Both the AIADMK and the DMK have a shared legacy of social reform, commitment to State autonomy and fiscal federalism, and the vigorous __________(4) of causes peculiar to Tamil Nadu such as backward class reservation and the abolition of entrance tests. They would be better off, as would the State be, if they dealt with these matters jointly, shedding the vexed ____________(5) of the past to look for opportunities to score political points over each other.

Directions (Q.1-5): In the passage given below there are blanks which are to be filled with the options given below. Find out the appropriate pair of words in each case which can most suitably complete the sentence without altering the meaning of the statement.

It is not easy to fill the ________(1) caused by the departure of a popular and charismatic leader. However, this vacuum is not a permanent state. If personalities of equal or even slightly less stature are unavailable, significant political space opens up for other players, principally political rivals or those of a similar ideological _________(2) , to capitalise on the situation. Or, as a temporary phenomenon, pretenders claiming to be true legatees of the departed leader, or those claiming to espouse the same causes as her, could emerge as key players.
A notable feature after Jayalalithaa’s demise is the manner in which leaders of the opposition Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) joined the ruling party supporters and the public in paying homage to her. No one can doubt that the level of personal animosity between Jayalalithaa and DMK leader M. Karunanidhi played a serious role in the State’s political culture lacking the sort of bonhomie seen between rival party leaders in other parts of the country. With the former’s departure and the __________(3) emergence of the next generation in the DMK, there is a clear opportunity to usher in a new political culture marked by cooperation on key issues. Both the AIADMK and the DMK have a shared legacy of social reform, commitment to State autonomy and fiscal federalism, and the vigorous __________(4) of causes peculiar to Tamil Nadu such as backward class reservation and the abolition of entrance tests. They would be better off, as would the State be, if they dealt with these matters jointly, shedding the vexed ____________(5) of the past to look for opportunities to score political points over each other.

Directions (Q.1-5): In the passage given below there are blanks which are to be filled with the options given below. Find out the appropriate pair of words in each case which can most suitably complete the sentence without altering the meaning of the statement.

It is not easy to fill the ________(1) caused by the departure of a popular and charismatic leader. However, this vacuum is not a permanent state. If personalities of equal or even slightly less stature are unavailable, significant political space opens up for other players, principally political rivals or those of a similar ideological _________(2) , to capitalise on the situation. Or, as a temporary phenomenon, pretenders claiming to be true legatees of the departed leader, or those claiming to espouse the same causes as her, could emerge as key players.
A notable feature after Jayalalithaa’s demise is the manner in which leaders of the opposition Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) joined the ruling party supporters and the public in paying homage to her. No one can doubt that the level of personal animosity between Jayalalithaa and DMK leader M. Karunanidhi played a serious role in the State’s political culture lacking the sort of bonhomie seen between rival party leaders in other parts of the country. With the former’s departure and the __________(3) emergence of the next generation in the DMK, there is a clear opportunity to usher in a new political culture marked by cooperation on key issues. Both the AIADMK and the DMK have a shared legacy of social reform, commitment to State autonomy and fiscal federalism, and the vigorous __________(4) of causes peculiar to Tamil Nadu such as backward class reservation and the abolition of entrance tests. They would be better off, as would the State be, if they dealt with these matters jointly, shedding the vexed ____________(5) of the past to look for opportunities to score political points over each other.

Directions (Q.1-5): In the passage given below there are blanks which are to be filled with the options given below. Find out the appropriate pair of words in each case which can most suitably complete the sentence without altering the meaning of the statement.

It is not easy to fill the ________(1) caused by the departure of a popular and charismatic leader. However, this vacuum is not a permanent state. If personalities of equal or even slightly less stature are unavailable, significant political space opens up for other players, principally political rivals or those of a similar ideological _________(2) , to capitalise on the situation. Or, as a temporary phenomenon, pretenders claiming to be true legatees of the departed leader, or those claiming to espouse the same causes as her, could emerge as key players.
A notable feature after Jayalalithaa’s demise is the manner in which leaders of the opposition Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) joined the ruling party supporters and the public in paying homage to her. No one can doubt that the level of personal animosity between Jayalalithaa and DMK leader M. Karunanidhi played a serious role in the State’s political culture lacking the sort of bonhomie seen between rival party leaders in other parts of the country. With the former’s departure and the __________(3) emergence of the next generation in the DMK, there is a clear opportunity to usher in a new political culture marked by cooperation on key issues. Both the AIADMK and the DMK have a shared legacy of social reform, commitment to State autonomy and fiscal federalism, and the vigorous __________(4) of causes peculiar to Tamil Nadu such as backward class reservation and the abolition of entrance tests. They would be better off, as would the State be, if they dealt with these matters jointly, shedding the vexed ____________(5) of the past to look for opportunities to score political points over each other.

Directions (Q.1-5): In the passage given below there are blanks which are to be filled with the options given below. Find out the appropriate pair of words in each case which can most suitably complete the sentence without altering the meaning of the statement.

It is not easy to fill the ________(1) caused by the departure of a popular and charismatic leader. However, this vacuum is not a permanent state. If personalities of equal or even slightly less stature are unavailable, significant political space opens up for other players, principally political rivals or those of a similar ideological _________(2) , to capitalise on the situation. Or, as a temporary phenomenon, pretenders claiming to be true legatees of the departed leader, or those claiming to espouse the same causes as her, could emerge as key players.
A notable feature after Jayalalithaa’s demise is the manner in which leaders of the opposition Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK) joined the ruling party supporters and the public in paying homage to her. No one can doubt that the level of personal animosity between Jayalalithaa and DMK leader M. Karunanidhi played a serious role in the State’s political culture lacking the sort of bonhomie seen between rival party leaders in other parts of the country. With the former’s departure and the __________(3) emergence of the next generation in the DMK, there is a clear opportunity to usher in a new political culture marked by cooperation on key issues. Both the AIADMK and the DMK have a shared legacy of social reform, commitment to State autonomy and fiscal federalism, and the vigorous __________(4) of causes peculiar to Tamil Nadu such as backward class reservation and the abolition of entrance tests. They would be better off, as would the State be, if they dealt with these matters jointly, shedding the vexed ____________(5) of the past to look for opportunities to score political points over each other.

Directions – (Q.6-10) Read the passage and answer the following questions.

In 1896 a Georgia couple suing for damages in the accidental death of their two year old was told that since the child had made no real economic contribution to the family, there was no liability for damages. In contrast, less than a century later, in 1979, the parents of a three-year-old sued in New York for accidental-death damages and won an award of $750,000. The transformation in social values implicit in juxtaposing these two incidents is the subject of Viviana Zelizer‘s excellent book, Pricing the Priceless Child. During the nineteenth century, she argues, the concept of the ―useful child who contributed to the family economy gave way gradually to the present-day notion of the ―useless‖ child who, though producing no income for, and indeed extremely costly to, its parents, is yet considered emotionally priceless. Well established among segments of the middle and upper classes by the mid-1800‘s, this new view of childhood spread throughout society in the late- nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries as reformers introduced child-labor regulations and compulsory education laws predicated in part on the assumption that a child‘s emotional value made child labor taboo. For Zelizer the origins of this transformation were many and complex. The gradual erosion of children‘s productive value in a maturing industrial economy, the decline in birth and death rates, especially in child mortality, and the development of the companionate family (a family in which members were united by explicit bonds of love rather than duty) were all factors critical in changing the assessment of children‘s worth. Yet ―expulsion of children from the cash nexus, although clearly shaped by profound changes in the economic, occupational, and family structures, Zelizer maintains, ―was also part of a cultural process of sacrelization of children‘s lives. Protecting children from the crass business world became enormously important for late-nineteenth-century middle-class Americans, she suggests; this sacralization was a way of resisting what they perceived as the relentless corruption of human values by the marketplace. In stressing the cultural determinants of a child‘s worth, Zelizer takes issue with practitioners of the new ―sociological economics, who have analyzed such traditionally sociological topics as crime, marriage, education, and health solely in terms of their economic determinants. Allowing only a small role for cultural forces in the form of individual ―preferences, these sociologists tend to view all human behaviors as directed primarily by the principle of maximizing economic gain. Zelizer is highly critical of this approach, and emphasizes instead the opposite phenomenon: the power of social values to transform price. As children became more valuable in emotional terms, she argues, their ―exchange or ―surrender value on the market, that is, the conversion of their intangible worth into cash terms, became much greater.

It can be inferred from the passage that accidental-death damage awards in America during the nineteenth century tended to be based principally on the ?

Directions – (Q.6-10) Read the passage and answer the following questions.

In 1896 a Georgia couple suing for damages in the accidental death of their two year old was told that since the child had made no real economic contribution to the family, there was no liability for damages. In contrast, less than a century later, in 1979, the parents of a three-year-old sued in New York for accidental-death damages and won an award of $750,000. The transformation in social values implicit in juxtaposing these two incidents is the subject of Viviana Zelizer‘s excellent book, Pricing the Priceless Child. During the nineteenth century, she argues, the concept of the ―useful child who contributed to the family economy gave way gradually to the present-day notion of the ―useless‖ child who, though producing no income for, and indeed extremely costly to, its parents, is yet considered emotionally priceless. Well established among segments of the middle and upper classes by the mid-1800‘s, this new view of childhood spread throughout society in the late- nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries as reformers introduced child-labor regulations and compulsory education laws predicated in part on the assumption that a child‘s emotional value made child labor taboo. For Zelizer the origins of this transformation were many and complex. The gradual erosion of children‘s productive value in a maturing industrial economy, the decline in birth and death rates, especially in child mortality, and the development of the companionate family (a family in which members were united by explicit bonds of love rather than duty) were all factors critical in changing the assessment of children‘s worth. Yet ―expulsion of children from the cash nexus, although clearly shaped by profound changes in the economic, occupational, and family structures, Zelizer maintains, ―was also part of a cultural process of sacrelization of children‘s lives. Protecting children from the crass business world became enormously important for late-nineteenth-century middle-class Americans, she suggests; this sacralization was a way of resisting what they perceived as the relentless corruption of human values by the marketplace. In stressing the cultural determinants of a child‘s worth, Zelizer takes issue with practitioners of the new ―sociological economics, who have analyzed such traditionally sociological topics as crime, marriage, education, and health solely in terms of their economic determinants. Allowing only a small role for cultural forces in the form of individual ―preferences, these sociologists tend to view all human behaviors as directed primarily by the principle of maximizing economic gain. Zelizer is highly critical of this approach, and emphasizes instead the opposite phenomenon: the power of social values to transform price. As children became more valuable in emotional terms, she argues, their ―exchange or ―surrender value on the market, that is, the conversion of their intangible worth into cash terms, became much greater.

It can be inferred from the passage that in the early 1800‟s children were generally regarded by their families as individuals who –?

Directions – (Q.6-10) Read the passage and answer the following questions.

In 1896 a Georgia couple suing for damages in the accidental death of their two year old was told that since the child had made no real economic contribution to the family, there was no liability for damages. In contrast, less than a century later, in 1979, the parents of a three-year-old sued in New York for accidental-death damages and won an award of $750,000. The transformation in social values implicit in juxtaposing these two incidents is the subject of Viviana Zelizer‘s excellent book, Pricing the Priceless Child. During the nineteenth century, she argues, the concept of the ―useful child who contributed to the family economy gave way gradually to the present-day notion of the ―useless‖ child who, though producing no income for, and indeed extremely costly to, its parents, is yet considered emotionally priceless. Well established among segments of the middle and upper classes by the mid-1800‘s, this new view of childhood spread throughout society in the late- nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries as reformers introduced child-labor regulations and compulsory education laws predicated in part on the assumption that a child‘s emotional value made child labor taboo. For Zelizer the origins of this transformation were many and complex. The gradual erosion of children‘s productive value in a maturing industrial economy, the decline in birth and death rates, especially in child mortality, and the development of the companionate family (a family in which members were united by explicit bonds of love rather than duty) were all factors critical in changing the assessment of children‘s worth. Yet ―expulsion of children from the cash nexus, although clearly shaped by profound changes in the economic, occupational, and family structures, Zelizer maintains, ―was also part of a cultural process of sacrelization of children‘s lives. Protecting children from the crass business world became enormously important for late-nineteenth-century middle-class Americans, she suggests; this sacralization was a way of resisting what they perceived as the relentless corruption of human values by the marketplace. In stressing the cultural determinants of a child‘s worth, Zelizer takes issue with practitioners of the new ―sociological economics, who have analyzed such traditionally sociological topics as crime, marriage, education, and health solely in terms of their economic determinants. Allowing only a small role for cultural forces in the form of individual ―preferences, these sociologists tend to view all human behaviors as directed primarily by the principle of maximizing economic gain. Zelizer is highly critical of this approach, and emphasizes instead the opposite phenomenon: the power of social values to transform price. As children became more valuable in emotional terms, she argues, their ―exchange or ―surrender value on the market, that is, the conversion of their intangible worth into cash terms, became much greater.

Which of the following alternative explanations of the change in the cash value of children would be most likely to be put forward by sociological economists as they are described in the passage?

Directions – (Q.6-10) Read the passage and answer the following questions.

In 1896 a Georgia couple suing for damages in the accidental death of their two year old was told that since the child had made no real economic contribution to the family, there was no liability for damages. In contrast, less than a century later, in 1979, the parents of a three-year-old sued in New York for accidental-death damages and won an award of $750,000. The transformation in social values implicit in juxtaposing these two incidents is the subject of Viviana Zelizer‘s excellent book, Pricing the Priceless Child. During the nineteenth century, she argues, the concept of the ―useful child who contributed to the family economy gave way gradually to the present-day notion of the ―useless‖ child who, though producing no income for, and indeed extremely costly to, its parents, is yet considered emotionally priceless. Well established among segments of the middle and upper classes by the mid-1800‘s, this new view of childhood spread throughout society in the late- nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries as reformers introduced child-labor regulations and compulsory education laws predicated in part on the assumption that a child‘s emotional value made child labor taboo. For Zelizer the origins of this transformation were many and complex. The gradual erosion of children‘s productive value in a maturing industrial economy, the decline in birth and death rates, especially in child mortality, and the development of the companionate family (a family in which members were united by explicit bonds of love rather than duty) were all factors critical in changing the assessment of children‘s worth. Yet ―expulsion of children from the cash nexus, although clearly shaped by profound changes in the economic, occupational, and family structures, Zelizer maintains, ―was also part of a cultural process of sacrelization of children‘s lives. Protecting children from the crass business world became enormously important for late-nineteenth-century middle-class Americans, she suggests; this sacralization was a way of resisting what they perceived as the relentless corruption of human values by the marketplace. In stressing the cultural determinants of a child‘s worth, Zelizer takes issue with practitioners of the new ―sociological economics, who have analyzed such traditionally sociological topics as crime, marriage, education, and health solely in terms of their economic determinants. Allowing only a small role for cultural forces in the form of individual ―preferences, these sociologists tend to view all human behaviors as directed primarily by the principle of maximizing economic gain. Zelizer is highly critical of this approach, and emphasizes instead the opposite phenomenon: the power of social values to transform price. As children became more valuable in emotional terms, she argues, their ―exchange or ―surrender value on the market, that is, the conversion of their intangible worth into cash terms, became much greater.

The primary purpose of the passage is to ?

Directions – (Q.6-10) Read the passage and answer the following questions.

In 1896 a Georgia couple suing for damages in the accidental death of their two year old was told that since the child had made no real economic contribution to the family, there was no liability for damages. In contrast, less than a century later, in 1979, the parents of a three-year-old sued in New York for accidental-death damages and won an award of $750,000. The transformation in social values implicit in juxtaposing these two incidents is the subject of Viviana Zelizer‘s excellent book, Pricing the Priceless Child. During the nineteenth century, she argues, the concept of the ―useful child who contributed to the family economy gave way gradually to the present-day notion of the ―useless‖ child who, though producing no income for, and indeed extremely costly to, its parents, is yet considered emotionally priceless. Well established among segments of the middle and upper classes by the mid-1800‘s, this new view of childhood spread throughout society in the late- nineteenth and early-twentieth centuries as reformers introduced child-labor regulations and compulsory education laws predicated in part on the assumption that a child‘s emotional value made child labor taboo. For Zelizer the origins of this transformation were many and complex. The gradual erosion of children‘s productive value in a maturing industrial economy, the decline in birth and death rates, especially in child mortality, and the development of the companionate family (a family in which members were united by explicit bonds of love rather than duty) were all factors critical in changing the assessment of children‘s worth. Yet ―expulsion of children from the cash nexus, although clearly shaped by profound changes in the economic, occupational, and family structures, Zelizer maintains, ―was also part of a cultural process of sacrelization of children‘s lives. Protecting children from the crass business world became enormously important for late-nineteenth-century middle-class Americans, she suggests; this sacralization was a way of resisting what they perceived as the relentless corruption of human values by the marketplace. In stressing the cultural determinants of a child‘s worth, Zelizer takes issue with practitioners of the new ―sociological economics, who have analyzed such traditionally sociological topics as crime, marriage, education, and health solely in terms of their economic determinants. Allowing only a small role for cultural forces in the form of individual ―preferences, these sociologists tend to view all human behaviors as directed primarily by the principle of maximizing economic gain. Zelizer is highly critical of this approach, and emphasizes instead the opposite phenomenon: the power of social values to transform price. As children became more valuable in emotional terms, she argues, their ―exchange or ―surrender value on the market, that is, the conversion of their intangible worth into cash terms, became much greater.

It can be inferred from the passage that which of the following statements was true of American families over the course of the nineteenth century?