English Questions: Inference Set 3

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Inference

Directions (Q.1-10): In each of the given questions an inference is given in bold which is then followed by three paragraph. You have to find the paragraph(s) from where it is inferred. Choose the option with the best possible outcome as your choice.

  1. Inference – Passage of Movement
    I. Looking back to the shape of Dravidian politics toward the turn of the century and beyond, both the AIADMK and its arch-rival, the Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam (DMK), were built on a much sharper focus on the welfare of the ethnic Tamil man and woman.
    II. In the DMK, former Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi rose to the top in his party through his involvement in the Dravidian movement as a screenwriter, poet, and literary genius. Like C.N. Annadurai before him, Mr. Karunanidhi focussed on promoting social reforms that underpinned the Dravidianist philosophy, such as self-respect marriages to undercut the role of the priestly caste, and policies to promote Tamil and diminish the official use of Hindi.
    III. However, the dark side of this “benevolent autocratic” style of governance is the tendency to relentlessly pursue rent-seeking opportunities. This has led to a systemic institutional rot that has sparked deep concern over governance failures.
    1) III
    2) I , II
    3) II
    4) I
    5) all are correct
    Answer & Explanation
    Answer – 2)
    Explanation:
    Option 2 is correct. Para III talks about governance.
  2. Inference – Historical Balance of Power
    I. There are growing fears that the political vacuum at the very core of the party will push it toward implosion. How did matters come to such a pass?
    II. Along with several other studies, this research suggests that States witnessing higher levels of factional conflict within the party system also tend to be socially and politically dominated by relatively powerful caste groupings. A good example of such a State is Karnataka, where Vokkaligas and Lingayats, and to a slightly lesser extent Brahmins, have dominated the party system, whether it is through the BJP, the Congress, or the Janata Dal (S).
    III. In the broad, historical context of India’s politics, it is typically States governed by national parties, such as the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) or the Congress, that tend to see a greater magnitude of factional conflict within the party system; this is reflected in their policy agendas too. Research at the London School of Economics by John Harriss sheds light on what could reasonably be considered the stylised facts in this regard.
    1) I , II
    2) II
    3) II , III
    4) III
    5) all are correct
    Answer & Explanation
    Answer : 3)
    Explanation:
    Option 3 is correct. Para I talks about fears to which the inference does not relate to.
  3. Inference – Beginnings of Political Change
    I. Political transition towards multiparty democracy began with the Constitution of 1990, an outcome of the first Janandolan, which introduced constitutional limits on the powers of the monarchy. After a brief period of three years, the monarchy successfully reasserted itself largely due to the squabbling among political leaders and manipulations by the Palace, leading to frequent changes of government.
    II. The current Prime Minister, Sher Bahadur Deuba, who took charge in June, is the 25th Prime Minister in the last 27 years.
    A Maoist insurgency erupted in the mid-1990s which lasted a decade and claimed nearly 15,000 casualties. Eventually, in 2005, the political parties and the Maoist leaders signed an accord which laid the foundations for a more formal agreement under which the Maoists came overground and joined mainstream politics.
    III. It was a difficult process, given the mistrust between the political parties and the Maoist leadership, with both sides resorting to frequent brinkmanship.
    Following elections in May 2008, a 601-member Constituent Assembly (CA) came into being with a two-year mandate to draft a new Constitution for a ‘federal republic’. The 240-year-old institution of the monarchy was abolished. Two new political forces emerged, the Maoists with 229 seats in the CA and the Madhesi parties with 80 seats. Differences within the CA led to a stalemate. After 2010, the CA extended its life four times till, finally, the Supreme Court intervened and the CA lapsed in May 2012 without having completed its mandate.
    1) I
    2) III
    3) II , III
    4) I , II
    5. all are correct
    Answer & Explanation
    Answer – 5)
    Explanation:
    Option 5 is correct. All are correct
  4. Inference – The October Shock
    I. When large-scale fighting erupted between China and India, it did not take long for NEFA’s civilian officials to realise their entire administration was in jeopardy. By October 23, Tawang had to be abandoned. Meanwhile, Chinese troops were advancing onto Walong in the east. The retreat of the Indian Army entailed that of the civilian administration. Dozens of administrative centres were evacuated, leaving most of northern NEFA unoccupied and open for Chinese occupation.
    II. Thousands of Tibetan refugees followed suit, along with many local people Evacuee officials focussed on organising relief, and even began considering their permanent rehabilitation elsewhere in Assam. At the time, India’s loss of NEFA seemed in danger of becoming permanent. The war formally came to an end with China’s unilateral ceasefire on November 21, but the crisis did not. Gains in the Aksai Chin aside, the People’s Republic of China (PRC) now occupied significant portions of NEFA.
    III. But is there all there was to the war? One can doubt it. Standard histories of 1962 almost completely ignore a key aspect of the conflict: the way the authorities and people of Arunachal Pradesh — the North-East Frontier Agency (NEFA), as it was then called — experienced it. Look away from the fighting and the India-China War takes on quite a different hue, one where the war does not end at the point of ceasefire and where the roles of winners, losers and bystanders aren’t so neatly divided.
    1) I , II
    2) III
    3) I
    4) II
    5) all are correct
    Answer & Explanation
    Answer – 1)
    Explanation:
    Option 1 is correct. Para III talks about history.
  5. Inference – No exclusive Legacy
    I. It is important to bear in mind, as Ms. Sreenivasan has shown, that at the same time that the Rajputs were articulating a new claim upon the Padmavat in the 17th century, other Padmini tales continued to be composed. A Sufi migrant from Bengal to the Arakan court (in today’s Myanmar) composed his own version of the text in Bengali. In the 19th century, there were multiple Urdu adaptations of the tale printed in North India and an opera performed in 1923 in Paris. There have then been many Padmavats, just as there were many Ramayanas.
    II. Claiming to speak on behalf of all Rajputs, several political figures have objected to the portrayal of the title character of the film for two reasons — that it is a distortion of history and that it is disrespectful to Queen Padmini (appearing in some texts as Padmavati), who is deeply revered by the Rajput community. Recent scholarly work on the Padmavat, such as that of Thomas de Bruijn, Shantanu Phukan and especially Ramya Sreenivasan, makes possible an informed engagement with these claims.
    III. The tale, and its heroine, are then not the exclusive legacy of any single community. The effort of spokespersons of a single community, one that continues to exercise tremendous sociopolitical power, to freeze the text into a single, authorised version, will rob it of the vitality that has allowed it to thrive over the ages.
    1) II
    2) III
    3) I , II
    4) I , III
    5) all are correct
    Answer & Explanation
    Answer – 4)
    Explanation:
    Option 4 is correct. Para II does not talk about legacy.
  6. Inference – Targets and Reality
    I. The ABBA must be withdrawn immediately from the PDS and pensions in favour of alternative technologies such as smart cards. This will allow us to keep the baby (offline PoS machines with smart cards) and throw out the bathwater (Internet dependence and biometric authentication). If the government continues to insist on the ABBA, there is only one conclusion that can be drawn. That it is actively trying to sabotage the PDS, which, quite literally, is a lifeline for the poor.
    II. For months, the Central government has been insisting on 100% Aadhaar “seeding” across schemes such as the PDS, Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act (MGNREGA) and pensions. Seeding refers to the practice of entering Aadhaar numbers for each household member on the ration card. It is a pre-requisite for the Aadhaar-based Biometric Authentication (ABBA) system, the practice of using an electronic point of sale (PoS) machine to authenticate each transaction. The government has made seeding and the ABBA mandatory in the PDS. As explained below, the distinction between seeding and the ABBA is important.
    III. In their zeal to achieve 100% Aadhaar-seeding targets, some field functionaries just deleted the names of those who did not submit Aadhaar details. Others waited till the deadline and then struck off names. The government claims that all of these were “fake”, detected due to Aadhaar, thus saving crores of rupees. Santoshi’s family was one such example. According to the State Food Minister, their ration card was cancelled in July because they failed to seed it with Aadhaar.
    1) III
    2) II , III
    3) I
    4) I , II
    5) all are correct
    Answer & Explanation
    Answer : 2)
    Explanation:
    Option 2 is correct. Para I talks about withdrawing it.
  7. Inference – Democracy’s animating force
    I. However, the law is only a part of the problem. The greater issue concerns its interpretation. In a just and tolerant society, one would imagine the courts would accord to rules of this kind the narrowest possible construal, allowing the greatest possible latitude to free expression. But, regrettably, the courts have distorted this vision.
    II. As Ronald Dworkin said, the preservation of individual autonomy is an essential requirement of a legitimate government. Upholding bans on books strikes at this legitimacy, at the principles of justice that are meant to fortify the republic. The court must always recognise, as it has done in Ilaiah’s case, that the right to freedom of speech is really the animating force of democracy, that it’s a liberty central to achieving an equal society.
    To hold otherwise, by upholding bans on books on plain conjecture, violates this vision. It allows the apparent intolerance of certain groups to trump an author’s right to free expression.
    III. On September 20, the court upheld a ban on a book without so much as considering the implications that such sanctions have on free speech. The order is the latest example in a litany of cases, going back to the court’s inception, which calls into question the commonly held notion of our highest judiciary serving as a custodian of fundamental rights. In cases such as this one, the court doesn’t see rights as trumps, but rather as abstract notions that lie at the state’s whimsical behest.
    1) I
    2) III
    3) II
    4) II , III
    5) all are correct
    Answer & Explanation
    Answer : 3)
    Explanation:
    Option 3 is correct. Para I AND II do not relate with the inference.
  8. Inference – Revitalise schools
    I. Government schools also have such poor quality that parents are voting with their feet by spending money on private schools, whether or not the poor parents can afford it. The number of teachers required, at secondary and higher secondary levels, is very high, particularly in science and mathematics.
    II. But the private sector prefers to set up hospitals to cure people after they have become sick rather than prevent them from becoming unhealthy in the first place. Preventive and public health have always been in all countries the responsibility of government. More government expenditure in health means more jobs in government and better health outcomes.
    III. Many new government jobs can be provided if more young people could be trained specially to become teachers for science and mathematics at the secondary and higher secondary levels.
    1) II , III
    2) I , II
    3) II
    4) I , III
    5) all are correct
    Answer & Explanation
    Answer : 4)
    Explanation:
    Option 4 is correct. Para II does not talk about schools.
  9. Inference – Cautious Banks
    I. Banks, despite being flush with deposits (partly thanks to demonetisation), are in no mood to extend new credit. This is because of the increasing burden of bad loans (called non-performing assets, or NPAs). The ratio of NPAs has been continuously going up for five years. Either you have to write-off the loans and book losses, or ask shareholders to bring more equity capital. The new bankruptcy code and procedure is promising, but is as yet untested for timeliness and effectiveness.
    II. There is also a suggestion to collect all the bad loans (that is, toxic waste) from the various banks and move them to a freshly capitalised bank, the so-called “bad bank”. The bad bank would focus solely on liquidating the collateral, bringing in fresh owners and managers to run distressed companies.
    III. Once freed from NPAs, the existing banks can resume lending to the healthy sectors. This is a promising idea as well and worth pursuing. The government cannot shy away from funding the rescue of India’s banking. It has to provide capital to the new “bad bank” or to recapitalise the beleaguered public sector banks, where most of the NPAs reside.
    1) I , II
    2) III
    3) II
    4) I , III
    5) all are correct
    Answer & Explanation
    Answer : 5)
    Explanation:
    Option 5 is correct. All are correct.
  10. Inference – Being an Activist
    I. Intellectuals, including artists and academics, also bear the brunt of this hatred. As many have pointed out, it has never been as difficult as it is now to disagree about something without being called names. These are symptoms of what our society is becoming. As a society, we lack a culture of protest, whether in the public or in institutions. Disagreeing with a policy is always misinterpreted as if it is an attack on individuals associated with that policy.
    II. Becoming an intellectual is a long process and is often dependent on access to education as well as resources of various kinds. A school student will not be considered an intellectual but she can be an activist. She can join marches, shout slogans and write blogs. The opportunity to be an activist is more easily available. There is something more democratic and egalitarian about activism as compared to intellectualism, a feature which has often led to cynicism about intellectuals.
    III. An activist acts on behalf of, and with, others. In most cases, activists work with the dispossessed and the marginalised. They can imagine a better world for those the larger society forgets about and, in doing this, they sacrifice something. Their actions are not geared towards personal benefit but for the benefit of communities and individuals with whom they can stand in solidarity.
    1) I
    2) II , III
    3) III
    4) II
    5) all are correct
    Answer & Explanation
    Answer – 2)
    Explanation:
    Option 2 is correct. Para I does not relate with inference.
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