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English Questions: Inference Set 2

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Welcome to Online English Section with explanation in AffairsCloud.com. Here we are creating question sample in Inference , which is BASED ON RECENT IBPS EXAM.

Inference

Directions (Q.1-10): In each of the given questions an inference is given in bold which is then followed by three paragraph. You have to find the paragraph(s) from where it is inferred. Choose the option with the best possible outcome as your choice.

  1. Inference- History of Gaffes
    I. Mr. Johnson’s time as Foreign Secretary was peppered with controversial moments, including his remarks on boosting the whisky trade between India and the U.K. during a visit to a British gurdwara. There was a “joke” about boosting British investment into Libya.
    II. Last year, during a visit to Myanmar, Britain’s then Foreign Secretary, Boris Johnson, visited the Shwedagon Paya, one of Buddhism’s most sacred sites, adopting the usual freestyle, somewhat awkward, bumbling tone he had become known for.
    III. His early blunders, during his time as Mayor of London served to strengthen his image, particularly beyond Britain’s shores, as the flamboyant, floppy-haired, Etonian given to faux-pas that wouldn’t be out of place in a P.G. Wodehouse novel. His later ones were the subject of more serious scrutiny, including questions around his appropriateness as the head of Britain’s Foreign Office at a time when its relations with the world outside Europe matter more than ever, but they have been by and large treated as blunders.
    1. II
    2. I , III
    3. III
    4. I , II
    5. All are correct
    Answer : 2)
    Explanation:
    Option 2 is correct

  2. Inference- The Delhi Agreement
    I. Only in 1952, after the international clamour for an immediate plebiscite had somewhat subsided, did Jawaharlal Nehru invite Abdullah to discuss how India and Jammu and Kashmir could be more closely integrated. The result was the 1952 Delhi Agreement which, contrary to popular belief, still fell short of the 1954 Presidential Order. For instance, the 1952 agreement did not finalise financial integration and required the fundamental rights and citizenship to be granted to the State’s residents via the State Legislature.
    II. With the coming into effect of the Indian Constitution in January 1950, New Delhi’s powers over Jammu and Kashmir were defined more clearly through a Presidential Order (a predecessor of 1954 Order). However, just in the areas of defence, foreign affairs and communications was Jammu and Kashmir put on the same footing as the rest of India.
    III. On all other matters, the State government retained powers. On the spectrum of autonomy, Jammu and Kashmir lay somewhere between, say, Bihar, a fully integrated State of India, and Bhutan, which enjoyed limited sovereignty under the protection of India. India’s tenuous grasp over Jammu and Kashmir was further complicated by New Delhi’s international commitment to hold a plebiscite in the State to decide its eventual fate.
    1. I
    2. II
    3. I , II
    4. III
    5. All are correct
    Answer : 1)
    Explanation:
    Option 1 is correct

  3. Inference- The Assam Model
    I. Maybe one has to go back and look at our Constitution and reread notions of the border, the very idea of citizenship. We need to go beyond hard definitions and look at the penumbra of these concepts. A citizen may be defined in terms of certain properties. But the question is, how humane or plural is such a definition? Can we manage with a certain amount of disorder to sustain a plural vision of democracy? These are the questions Assam raises but our policy-makers do not discuss.
    II. How do we create a more hospitable, affable theory of citizenship where marginal groups survive, where nomads and other fluid groups are allowed to follow their life lines? Can we think of a nation-state with permeable borders and a fluid sense of citizenship which makes life more hopeful for the refugee? These are questions not for the distant future, but challenges this decade will have to overcome. We have to rethink the Assam in us.
    III. This point becomes clearer when we read that the Vishwa Hindu Parishad wants a similar NRC exercise in West Bengal and other States. Rather than seeing wider conspiracy theories, it is the inner contradictions of the exercise that we shall consider.
    1. II , III
    2. III
    3. I
    4. I , III
    5. All are correct
    Answer : 4)
    Explanation:
    Option 4 is correct

  4. Inference- Surveillance State
    I. There is another piece of cynicism that one needs to be cautious of. The Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) is adept at projecting a mastery of electoral frames and governance to maximise electoral output. It took the normalcy of a governance project and turned it into a panopticon, classifying citizens through a system of surveillance, creating a sense of sovereignty where the bureaucrat plays god, deciding who is in and who is out.
    II. The politics of citizens’ registers underlines the problem of migratory politics, refracted through the layered memories of many historical events. It began in the colonial era when the British attempted to import labour for the plantations. Major displacements like Partition and the Bangladesh war added to a huge “illegal” population. “Legality” is determined through certificates. Legitimacy is a stamped paper.
    III. It is a caution that governance and politics are full of ironies and paradoxes and that the best of intentions might lead to the worst consequences. Inherent in it is the banalisation of evil that can take place when suffering on a large scale gets reduced to a cost-benefit scenario. Democratic India rarely had experiences of detention camps, except during the India-Pakistan wars, and in 1962 when Indians of Chinese origin were unfairly detained in camps.
    1. III
    2. II
    3. I , II
    4. I
    5. All are correct
    Answer : 3)
    Explanation:
    Option 3 is correct

  5. Inference- Art of Politics
    I. Consider first what his passing means for the future of the DMK and the broader ripple effect on State politics. Historically and in the present day, there have always been vast complexities in the political mechanics of the DMK, and Karunanidhi was integral to every turn of its screw.
    II. From the early years of the Dravidian movement, when C.N. Annadurai and Periyar E.V. Ramasamy recognised their young protégé’s talent for firing up people through his mastery of Tamil and his fearlessness in pushing back on hegemonic Brahminism, to the later years when after his meteoric rise to Chief Ministership of the State, he was noticed on the national stage for his brilliance as a party organiser, Karunanidhi’s identity was inseparable from his party’s for half a century.
    III. Yet it was the subtle art of compromise that marked the ascendancy of the DMK for the best part of nearly 20 years in government, ever since it seized control from the Congress juggernaut in 1967. It was compromise that enabled Karunanidhi to hold the party together after the debilitating split with M.G. Ramachandran and the subsequent emergence of its arch-rival in 1972. It was compromise that deepened the DMK’s electoral grip in constituencies across 32 districts, each with a different caste group dominating it, the leaders of each such middle and backward caste group clamouring for a share of the spoils of power.
    1. III
    2. I , II
    3. II , III
    4. I
    5. All are correct
    Answer : 5)
    Explanation:
    Option 5 is correct

  6. Inference- Employers and Financing
    I. This is the last but perennial challenge. Given the scale of our demographic challenge, a belief that financing from corporate social responsibility, multilateral organisations such as the World Bank, and the government will meet the financial needs for skill development is wishful thinking.
    II. The only way to mobilise adequate resources the right way is to do skills training, and have equipment and tools that keep pace with changing needs and ensure that employers have skin in the game. This is possible through a reimbursable industry contribution (RIC) — a 1-2% payroll tax that will be reimbursed when employers train using public/private infrastructure and provide data.
    III. Finally, while there is so much talk of skills for the future and the impact of artificial intelligence and automation, data show that 13.8 lakh students in the ITIs are suffering due to poor institutional accreditation. Placement in NSDC training has been less than 15%. Maybe if we take care of the present, we will be better prepared for the future.
    1. I , II
    2. II , III
    3. I , III
    4. II
    5. All are correct
    Answer : 5)
    Explanation:
    Option 5 is correct

  7. Inference- Vestige of a Broken Promise
    I. The State government could detain people who did not enjoy the right to appeal to the Supreme Court. It also retained its controversial land reforms measures and the final authority over any alteration of the State’s boundaries. Among its lesser known provisions at the time was Article 35A, a holdover from the colonial era.
    II. To be sure, the whole project of federal nation-building requires constant negotiation between the nation state and its components. Arguably, India’s efforts to bring Kashmir into its fold can be told as part of such a story. However, such efforts need to have an underpinning of at least some kind transparent democratic process.
    III. Should Article 35A be removed, it must be removed as an expression of the will of the people, through a political process which includes the people of Jammu and Kashmir in the discussion. Or, in the very least, it has to be remembered that the Article is not some special concession to Jammu and Kashmir but the last vestige of a broken promise that India had made to it decades ago.
    1. II , III
    2. I , III
    3. II
    4. I
    5. All are correct
    Answer : 1)
    Explanation:
    Option 1 is correct

  8. Inference- Needs of Tamil People
    I. This politically fluid situation brings us to the second dimension of the broader impact of Karunanidhi’s passing: the needs of the common Tamil man and woman today. It is highly unlikely that they still require the same basket of welfare goods that the Dravidian movement leaders decided to provide them with in the late 1960s.
    II. Similarly, the long arm of federal enforcement agencies, such as the CBI and the Income Tax department, may be used to punish and reward as required. Even the office of Governor may not be beyond the pale in a politically fraught climate, where procedural delays or discretionary actions can materially affect power outcomes.
    III. Do they require an ever-expanding offering of mass welfare policies mimicking the mid-day meal scheme, and giveaways of subsidised rice, colour television sets, bicycles and more? That space has already been saturated, often to the point of bankrupting the State, as it nearly happened around the turn of the century.
    1. II
    2. III
    3. I
    4. I , III
    5. All are correct
    Answer : 4)
    Explanation:
    Option 4 is correct

  9. Inference- Call for stability
    I. The long list here would include the bumbling approach to the Jallikattu and Sterlite protests, mismanagement of water resources resulting in floods in Chennai and periodic drought-like conditions elsewhere, disparate crises facing sectors such as sand and electric power, and the cloud of collective uncertainty that all of these vagaries engender, putting a question mark on the economic future of Tamil Nadu.
    II. Unsurprising then, that this has deepened the systemic institutional rot and contributed to a deterioration of the policy environment to the point where numerous industries have fled to other States. Simultaneously the weakening of government institutions has meant that the State’s response to multiple socio-political crises has been lacklustre, if not utterly inadequate.
    III. The answer to the question of what the people of Tamil Nadu need today is thus a simple one: stability and the return of good governance. Yet that requires a wounded, limping AIADMK to have the foresight to set aside personal rivalries and hatred and pull itself together under one leader for the greater good; or if that is looking unlikely, it requires an aspirational Stalin to seize the day, infuse newfound energy into his party cadres and mobilise his constituents like never before.
    1. II
    2. III
    3. I , III
    4. II , III
    5. All are correct
    Answer : 2)
    Explanation:
    Option 2 is correct

  10. Inference- Micro Institutional Reforms
    I. The ITIs were initiated in the 1950s. In a span of 60 years, until 2007, around 1,896 public and 2,000 private ITIs were set up. However, in a 10-year period from 2007, more than 9,000 additional private ITIs were accredited.
    II. The ITIs have many internal issues such as staffing and salaries that need attention, as the NILERD nationwide survey in 2011 had found. There is also a critical need to reskill ITI teachers and maintain the student-teacher ratio. Since technology obsolescence is a continuous challenge, financial support envisaged through the NSDC should be extended to the ITIs.
    III. The primary reason for hiring the QCI and the mess that followed was this: “huge workload of affiliation and shortage of staff”. This is true even today. It is unlikely that without fixing this, the QCI mistake will not be repeated. There has been a tremendous push by the government for private sector talent in government; perhaps it is worth considering talent from the open market to fill up higher posts in skill development.
    1. III
    2. II
    3. II , III
    4. I
    5. All are correct
    Answer : 3)
    Explanation:
    Option 3 is correct