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However, in truth, these celebratory actions, aimed at creating an impression that the Hindutva judgments are (1) as law, ignore vital facts. Only a few months after Justice Verma gave his rulings, the Supreme Court, through a different Bench, found itself in disagreement with his views. And it (2) the case, an appeal filed by the BJP’s Abhiram Singh, for the consideration of a larger Bench. Eventually, in 2014, this reference (now heard by a five-judge bench) came to be tagged with another BJP leader’s case, which had, in turn, been referred to a seven-judge Bench; in that order of reference, in Sunderlal Patwa’s case (3) as it is doubts appear to have been raised over whether an appeal by a candidate to a religion other than that which he practises amounts to a corrupt practice under the RPA.
No doubt, between the two orders making reference to a seven-judge Bench there is no specific question concerning a (4) of Justice Verma’s judgments. But to use this as a ground to abstain from reviewing those opinions overlooks the fact that for more than 20 years, the verdicts in the Hindutva cases have (5) , despite being questioned by a Bench of the Supreme Court’s own judges. Needless to say, on the relative merits of Mr. Singh and Mr. Patwa’s cases, the court would have to consider, on facts, whether they indulged in any corrupt practice under the RPA or not. But to decline altogether the opportunity to review Justice Verma’s judgments is an exercise which is, at best, (6) , and, at worst, an (7) of a critical responsibility. For it once again places at the peril of the unique deferrals of India’s judicial system a group of decisions that have proved most damaging to the country’s secular fabric.
Liberal theory, in certain forms, may demand unconstrained speech, even in the course of electoral campaigning. But, in India, the right to free speech is subject to reasonable restrictions on grounds, among others, of morality and (8) . To hold that secularism is a part of the Constitution’s basic structure while simultaneously condoning a politics of hate that is (9) in the name of religion — in this case, Hindutva and Hinduism — is simply incongruous. As Chief Justice P.B. Gajendragadkar observed in his 1964 opinion in Kultar Singh v. Mukhtiar Singh, to allow any sway in election campaigns for appeals made on the basis of religion, race or caste “would vitiate the secular atmosphere of democratic life”. The Supreme Court’s seven-judge Bench would have done well to defer to Chief Justice Gajendragadkar’s views. A re-examination of Justice Verma’s judgments, far from being “pseudo-secular” as some critics might have us believe, is imperative in the interests of restoring an element of integrity in India’s political process. It is time we placed precepts of democratic morality and decency at the (10) of our republic.
- 1) uncommitted
2) sporadic
3) infrequent
4) entrenched
5) unconfirmedAnswer – 4)
Explanation : entrenched - 1) referred
2) heck
3) curb
4) control
5) deferAnswer – 1)
Explanation : referred - 1) explicit
2) lucid
3) ambiguous
4) clear
5) definiteAnswer – 3)
Explanation : ambiguous - 1) foresight
2) deliberation
3) precaution
4) reconsideration
5) provisionAnswer – 4)
Explanation : reconsideration - 1) setup
2) started
3) lay
4) lie
5) stoodAnswer – 5)
Explanation : stood - 1) pedantic
2) imprecise
3) informal
4) vogue
5) vigilanceAnswer – 1)
Explanation : pedantic - 1) sat back
2) abdication
3) stay
4) capture
5) maintenanceAnswer – 2)
Explanation : abdication - 1) indecency
2) decency
3) obsessiveness
4) immorality
5) improprietyAnswer – 2)
Explanation : decency - 1) restricted
2) confined
3) compact
4) propagated
5) concentratedAnswer – 4)
Explanation : propagated - 1) vanguard
2) appliance
3) entourage
4) cortege
5) cliqueAnswer – 1)
Explanation : vanguard
